We see the democracy the United States spearheaded in Iran and with Hamas, in Gaza, and that's the fate of the Middle East. They may be talking about democracy but they don't know what they're talking about and the result will be extremism and radical Islam.Ben-Eliezer told Haaretz that on the eve of Mubarak's stepping down as Egypt's President, Mubarak shared his prediction for what will follow in the Middle East:
He contended the snowball (of civil unrest) won't stop in Egypt and it wouldn't skip any Arab country in the Middle East and in the Gulf. He said 'I won't be surprised if in the future you see more extremism and radical Islam and more disturbances -- dramatic changes and upheavals'.
Will Mubarak's warning prove prophetic, or was it merely the parting bluster of a man who believed, with good reason, that he alone held the religious radicals in his nation at bay for more than 30 years? Events in other Arab nations offer an immediate opportunity to observe the accuracy of Mubarak's predictions. In Yemen and Algeria, protests are creating fertile ground for radical Islamist elements to merge their long-term goals with the short-term protesters' goals of toppling their existing governments.
Photo by Reuters |
At this point, the ultimate goals and democratic desires of the Algerian and Yemeni protesters remains undefined and frighteningly fluid. Protests nearly always begin by riding rapidly on a wave of emotion that crests when it appears the initially specific goal has been reached. In Egypt's case, that initial specific goal was to oust Mubarak. That goal has now been reached, but what goals beyond the ouster do the protesters have in common? Iraq proved that toppling a dictator and gleeful celebrations are not the end of political upheaval. The devil is in the details, and the "details" that established a democratically elected government in Baghdad included much bloodshed, radical Islamist terrorism to discourage the people, and eventually a constitution. The purple-stained index fingers of voting Iraqis came with a price paid long after the statues of Saddam Hussein were jubilantly dismantled.
In the absence of clear leadership among protest groups, confusion mounts as to the way forward in the vacuum left by the toppling of an existing government. In Egypt, the "details" remain to be determined, but Mubarak is likely right that many devils, as it were, will work feverishly to gain strong footholds in vulnerable political climates. Protesters in Yemen and Algeria face a similar conundrum. Calling for "government reform" is ambiguous, carrying very different connotations for the myriad largely incompatible political, social, and religious groups united for one moment in time for the sake of "change."
The Obama administration is in a difficult position. The world expects America to support democracy and democratic revolutions wherever they arise. However, the administration must recognize its limitations and avoid knee-jerk support to civil unrest, or "change" for the sake of "change", before gaining a clear understanding of the forces and motives behind Middle East protests. Revolutions can become ugly very quickly if they are engaged in for societal or economic leveling rather than for constitutional freedoms and protection of inalienable rights.
The governments in Algeria and Yemen are currently in a dangerous state of vulnerability. Yemen has been a strategic ally of the United States in the War on Terror. That term is not popular in the Obama administration, which took office pledging to purge all things Bush. However, President Obama has slowly recognized when faced with stark reality, that this IS still a war against terrorist ideology. In war, key allies should not be abandoned at the first opportunity, even if standing with the ally means ignoring its warts and impurities. Stalin was murdering millions of his own countrymen before, during, and after, WWII, but in the larger was against a radical ideology, the United States turned a blind eye to Stalin's atrocities because the war against Hitler could not be won without him. By its strategic location and past assistance in identifying and locating terror suspects and operational networks, overlooking Yemeni President Saleh's imperfections may prove the best course for America's interests in a larger struggle against radical Islam. America's presidents are elected to serve and protect the interests of America, even if that means that at times we form temporary alliances with unsavory or even oppressive governments. Even in these cases, however, we must never cease encouraging even the most bloodthirsty dictators or regimes to reform.
Mubarak's prediction of a snowball of unrest in the Middle East, that will leave no country untouched, is, in my estimation, accurate. Radical Islamists will undoubtedly attempt to fill power vacuums throughout the region, attempting to expand their spheres of influence. President Obama must walk a fine line between encouraging freedom and democratic reforms, as he must, while holding onto key alliances in the War on Terror.
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